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For generations, the idea of Canada preparing for military action by the United States would have sounded more like an historical exercise than an issue confronting a sitting prime minister. That assumption has been shaken by a remarkable disclosure from Prime Minister Mark Carney, who said his government examined the possibility of U.S.-led military action as an “extreme tail risk.” Carney was equally clear that such a confrontation is not Ottawa’s expected outcome. Instead, he framed the work as contingency planning: considering a highly unlikely event because its consequences would be enormous if it ever occurred.
His remarks come during an unusually difficult period in Canada-U.S. relations, shaped by President Donald Trump’s repeated talk about Canada becoming the 51st state, an escalating tariff dispute and a broader Canadian effort to reduce strategic dependence on its southern neighbour. Yet the two countries remain deeply connected economically and militarily, making the disclosure striking precisely because their institutions continue to work together every day.
What Carney Actually Said About the Risk
Carney Says Ottawa Prepared for the ‘Extreme Tail Risk’ of Trump Ordering Military Action Against Canada
- What Carney Actually Said About the Risk
- “Tail Risk” Comes From the Language of Risk Management
- Canada’s Military Had Already Modelled a Hypothetical U.S. Attack
- Trump’s 51st-State Remarks Changed the Political Backdrop
- Ottawa’s Defence Minister Tried to Lower the Temperature
- NORAD Makes the Situation Especially Unusual
- Canada Is Also Reducing Strategic Dependence on U.S. Systems
- The Tariff Fight Has Added Economic Pressure to the Relationship
- Ottawa Is Spending More on Defence Regardless of the U.S. Scenario
- Much About the Contingency Planning Remains Unknown
Carney made the disclosure during a wide-ranging New York Times interview published September 23. Asked about Trump’s repeated remarks concerning Canada becoming part of the United States, the prime minister said leaders have a responsibility to examine what he called “extreme tail risk.” He characterized that process as risk management and stressed that American military action was “not a base case.” Carney declined to reveal what specific preparations or assessments had been undertaken.
That distinction matters. Carney was not announcing that Ottawa believed an American attack was imminent, nor did he publicly identify intelligence indicating that Trump had issued or was preparing an invasion order. His comments instead described contingency analysis involving an outcome regarded as very unlikely but potentially catastrophic. Canadian Press reporting similarly described his remarks as an examination of the possibility of U.S.-led military action rather than a declaration that Canada expected one.
“Tail Risk” Comes From the Language of Risk Management
Carney’s choice of words reflected his background in finance and central banking. In risk management, a tail risk generally describes an outcome located far from the most probable range of events: something that has a low likelihood of occurring but could produce unusually severe consequences. Carney, a former governor of both the Bank of Canada and Bank of England, used that framework to explain why governments may examine scenarios they do not consider probable.
The language also places an important limit on how the comments should be interpreted. Calling military action an “extreme tail risk” is fundamentally different from describing it as expected, probable or imminent. Carney explicitly said it was not his base-case scenario. His argument was that national governments must be capable of thinking through exceptionally damaging events even when they believe those events are unlikely. Defence Minister David McGuinty later reinforced that interpretation, saying militaries routinely analyze different risks and declining to provide details about the Canadian work.
Canada’s Military Had Already Modelled a Hypothetical U.S. Attack
Carney’s disclosure did not emerge without earlier indications that Ottawa had considered the possibility. In January 2026, The Globe and Mail reported, citing two senior government officials, that the Canadian Armed Forces had created a conceptual model examining a hypothetical American attack and possible Canadian responses. The report emphasized that a military model is a theoretical framework rather than an actionable operational plan, and the officials involved considered a U.S. invasion unlikely.
That distinction became particularly important because some descriptions of the exercise suggested Canada had drawn up an active war plan against the United States. The original reporting was considerably more cautious. Military organizations routinely examine highly disruptive scenarios to identify vulnerabilities, resource requirements and potential responses. The reported Canadian modelling also took place while the armed forces continued normal cooperation with their American counterparts. The Globe reported that Canadian officials viewed the military-to-military relationship as positive even as planners considered the theoretical scenario.
Trump’s 51st-State Remarks Changed the Political Backdrop
The extraordinary nature of the discussion cannot be separated from Trump’s repeated comments about Canada becoming an American state. In January 2025, before returning to the White House, Trump publicly discussed using “economic force” to bring Canada and the United States together while explicitly ruling out military force when questioned about Canada. Canadian political leaders across party lines rejected the idea of surrendering Canadian sovereignty.
Trump continued referring to Canada as a potential 51st state after taking office, giving what might once have been dismissed as an unusual rhetorical flourish greater diplomatic significance. Carney has repeatedly maintained that Canada will remain sovereign. His September comments nevertheless did not claim Trump had reversed his earlier public rejection of military action against Canada. Rather, Carney said the possibility was serious enough at the extreme end of the risk spectrum that responsible government required examining it.
Ottawa’s Defence Minister Tried to Lower the Temperature
The day after Carney’s comments drew attention, Defence Minister David McGuinty emphasized the routine nature of military contingency analysis. He said all militaries examine risks and described Canada’s work in that broader context. McGuinty also stressed the continuing importance of the Canada-U.S. military relationship, saying the two countries have worked together for decades in the defence of North America.
The remarks also triggered criticism within Parliament. Conservative MP Ellis Ross called Carney’s comments irresponsible and “uncalled for,” arguing that they risked increasing division and fear. That reaction illustrates the political sensitivity surrounding even theoretical discussion of conflict between two countries that normally operate as allies. The government’s public position, however, remained narrower: considering a highly damaging scenario is part of defence planning, while the scenario itself is not being presented as the likely direction of Canada-U.S. relations.
NORAD Makes the Situation Especially Unusual
Few countries have defence systems as intertwined as Canada and the United States. NORAD was formally established in 1958 as a binational military command and today carries out aerospace warning, aerospace control and maritime-warning missions for North America. Its commander is responsible to both the U.S. president and the Canadian prime minister, while Canadian and American personnel work throughout the command structure.
That integration makes even hypothetical conflict fundamentally different from a conventional defence-planning problem. Canadian fighters routinely contribute to NORAD missions, and the Canadian NORAD Region provides surveillance, identification and control for Canadian airspace as part of continental defence. Canada and the United States have spent decades building systems designed around the assumption that threats would come from outside the partnership. The existence of conceptual modelling involving the United States therefore reflects how much political assumptions have shifted, even while the operational defence partnership remains active.
Canada Is Also Reducing Strategic Dependence on U.S. Systems
Carney connected the broader security question to a push for greater Canadian strategic autonomy. One prominent example is the ongoing review of Canada’s planned F-35 purchase. Ottawa previously committed to acquiring 88 F-35A fighters, with an acquisition budget of $27.7 billion, but Carney ordered a review in March 2025 examining operational requirements, industrial benefits, strategic relationships and potential alternatives. Government documents in 2026 confirmed that the review remained underway.
The government has emphasized that diversification does not automatically mean abandoning American suppliers. Defence briefing materials state that Canada will continue using U.S. partnerships when doing so serves Canadian interests while considering ways to avoid excessive dependence on a single source. That approach helps explain Carney’s broader argument: Canada can remain an American defence partner while building more independent supply chains, industrial capacity and technological options. Strategic autonomy, in this framing, is intended to provide choices rather than require a complete break with Washington.
The Tariff Fight Has Added Economic Pressure to the Relationship
Security tensions are unfolding alongside a major trade confrontation. The United States imposed additional 50 per cent tariffs on $27.6 billion of selected Canadian goods effective August 22, 2026. Canada responded with counter-tariffs on the same value of U.S. products beginning September 8, using rates of 15, 25 or 50 per cent depending on the product. Canadian measures covered sectors including steel, dairy, appliances, agricultural equipment, pulp and paper and electronics.
The scale of the relationship makes prolonged disruption economically significant. Statistics Canada reported that 71.7 per cent of Canadian merchandise exports still went to the United States in 2025, although that was down from 75.9 per cent in 2024. Exports to countries other than the United States grew 17.2 per cent during 2025. Those numbers help explain Ottawa’s drive to diversify while also showing why the American market cannot simply be replaced overnight.
Ottawa Is Spending More on Defence Regardless of the U.S. Scenario
Canada’s defence buildup extends well beyond the possibility discussed by Carney. The federal government says its fiscal framework has provisioned enough spending to reach 4 per cent of GDP in total defence expenditure by the end of the decade, with Canada committed alongside other NATO members to a broader 5 per cent defence-and-security investment target by 2035. Ottawa has also created a Defence Investment Agency and launched a Defence Industrial Strategy intended to expand domestic military production and accelerate procurement.
Those investments are aimed at a much wider range of security requirements, including Arctic sovereignty, NATO commitments, air and missile defence, cyber capabilities and military readiness. Canada is also modernizing NORAD infrastructure and investing in space-based communications and surveillance. The result is a defence policy increasingly centred on resilience: having enough domestic capability and diversified partnerships that Canada is less vulnerable to disruption from any single supplier or foreign government.
Much About the Contingency Planning Remains Unknown
The most important unanswered question is what Carney meant by “prepared.” He has not publicly described the government’s specific contingency measures, intelligence assessments, command arrangements or thresholds that might trigger additional action. Defence officials have likewise declined to reveal details. Earlier reporting about Canadian military modelling offered some insight into conceptual planning, but that reporting relied heavily on unnamed government sources and explicitly distinguished modelling from an approved operational plan.
That leaves a more measured conclusion than some of the dramatic headlines surrounding the remarks might suggest. Ottawa has considered the possibility of American military action, and Carney believes ignoring even a remote scenario with potentially enormous consequences would be irresponsible. At the same time, he called the prospect an extreme risk rather than an expected outcome, Canada’s defence minister characterized such analysis as normal, and the two countries remain partners through NORAD. Those facts can coexist, reflecting a relationship that is simultaneously deeply integrated and under exceptional political and economic strain.
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