Some Conservative MPs Have Soured on Poilievre, CBC Reports — But There’s Little Appetite to Oust Him

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Pierre Poilievre enters Parliament’s fall sitting with a political problem that is more complicated than a straightforward leadership revolt. CBC News reports that some Conservative MPs have privately soured on their leader as the party struggles for traction against Prime Minister Mark Carney’s Liberals, particularly while the Canada-U.S. trade confrontation dominates national politics.

Yet frustration is not the same thing as an organized attempt to remove him. Poilievre remains protected by strong support among much of the Conservative base, an overwhelming leadership-review result earlier this year and a caucus process that makes replacing a leader a deliberate act rather than a spontaneous rebellion. For now, the tension inside the party appears to be less about an imminent coup and more about a difficult question: how should Conservatives change course when many members are not ready to change leaders?

Private Frustration Is Growing, but It Has Not Become a Revolt

CBC News reported on September 18 that a number of Conservative MPs have become dissatisfied with Poilievre, citing party and caucus sources who spoke anonymously about internal discussions. The reporting emerged around the Conservatives’ caucus retreat in Penticton, British Columbia, where MPs were preparing for Parliament’s September return. Sources described morale as low, in part because the confrontation with Washington has consumed political attention and made it difficult for the Official Opposition to establish its own agenda. That distinction matters: dissatisfaction inside a caucus can range from complaints about strategy to an organized attempt to replace a leader, and CBC reported little appetite for the latter.

Some Conservatives have acknowledged the party’s difficulties publicly without calling for Poilievre’s removal. Deputy leader Melissa Lantsman said the Conservatives were not where they wanted to be politically and indicated that adjustments would be made to the party’s approach. Michelle Rempel Garner, by contrast, publicly expressed support for serving under Poilievre, while Michael Barrett pointed to the leader’s recent endorsement from party members. The emerging picture is therefore mixed: private unease exists, but so does substantial public loyalty. That makes the current situation notably different from the final stages of some previous Conservative leadership crises.

The 2025 Election Result Can Be Read in Two Very Different Ways

Poilievre’s defenders have a significant statistic on their side. In the April 2025 federal election, the Conservatives captured 41.3 per cent of valid votes nationally and elected 144 MPs, according to Elections Canada. That represented a gain of 24 seats compared with the party’s standing when Parliament was dissolved. In raw electoral terms, it was a considerably stronger Conservative performance than in several previous elections. The party expanded its parliamentary caucus and consolidated a large national vote despite ultimately finishing behind the Liberals, who won 169 seats and 43.8 per cent of the vote.

But the result also created the central argument used by critics of Poilievre’s strategy: the Conservatives still did not form government after entering 2025 in what had once appeared to be an exceptionally strong position. Poilievre also lost his own Carleton seat, an unusually visible setback for a national party leader. He returned to Parliament through an August 2025 by-election in the safe Alberta riding of Battle River—Crowfoot, winning 80.9 per cent of the vote. Those two results illustrate the internal dilemma. Poilievre demonstrated enormous strength among core Conservative voters while falling short of the broader electoral breakthrough the party had expected.

His 87.4% Leadership Review Remains a Major Source of Internal Authority

Any discussion about Poilievre’s position has to account for what happened only months ago. At the Conservative national convention in Calgary in January 2026, 87.4 per cent of votes cast in the mandatory leadership review supported keeping him as leader. The review was required after the Conservatives failed to form government in the 2025 election. The margin was large enough to remove immediate uncertainty about whether the party membership wanted a leadership race and gave Poilievre a fresh mandate heading into the year.

That vote does not necessarily measure how every Conservative MP, swing voter or Canadian feels about Poilievre. A party leadership review draws from a very different population than a federal election or national opinion poll. Politically, however, it creates a difficult obstacle for MPs considering an internal challenge. A caucus-led removal only months after an 87.4 per cent endorsement could put MPs at odds with a recent decision by their own party organization. CBC reported that Barrett specifically invoked that membership verdict when asked about Poilievre’s future. For MPs who may want strategic changes without a prolonged fight over the party’s identity, that provides a practical reason to stop well short of demanding his departure.

Conservative MPs Could Remove Poilievre — but the Process Has a High Political Cost

Canadian law provides Conservative MPs with a mechanism to challenge their leader. Under section 49.5 of the Parliament of Canada Act, a written notice signed by at least 20 per cent of a party’s caucus can trigger a secret-ballot leadership review. The caucus chair must make the notice public. If a majority of caucus members then votes to replace the leader, MPs hold another secret ballot to choose an interim leader until the party selects a permanent replacement. The House of Commons currently lists 138 Conservative MPs, meaning 28 signatures would be sufficient to cross the 20 per cent threshold.

This is not merely a theoretical mechanism. Conservative MPs used it against Erin O’Toole in February 2022. O’Toole lost the resulting caucus vote 73 to 45, with more than 60 per cent of participating Conservative MPs voting to replace him. That precedent means today’s caucus knows exactly what initiating such a process could produce. But it also underscores how far critics of Poilievre would have to go. Quiet frustration is one thing; signing a public notice that begins a formal attempt to depose the leader is another. CBC’s reporting suggests that many MPs who may have concerns are not prepared to cross that line.

Four Floor Crossings Have Added to the Sense of Instability

Poilievre’s caucus has already been through an unusually visible period of departures. House of Commons records show that Chris d’Entremont crossed from the Conservatives to the Liberals in November 2025, followed by Michael Ma in December. Edmonton MP Matt Jeneroux switched from the Conservatives to the Liberals in February 2026, and Marilyn Gladu followed in April. Those four changes alone removed four MPs from a caucus that had elected 144 members in 2025. Further resignations and the Conservative loss of Chicoutimi—Le Fjord in an August by-election have reduced the party’s current House representation further.

It would be misleading, however, to treat every departure as an identical verdict on Poilievre. MPs who change parties can do so for different personal, political and policy reasons. Some departing Conservatives publicly referred to concerns about the party’s direction or leadership style, while others emphasized the broader political environment and a desire to work differently in Parliament. What matters for the current leadership discussion is the cumulative effect. Each departure becomes another highly visible reminder that the caucus Poilievre brought out of the 2025 election is no longer intact, amplifying scrutiny whenever fresh reports of internal dissatisfaction emerge.

The U.S. Trade Fight Has Changed the Political Terrain

The biggest strategic complication for Conservatives may have little to do with traditional left-right arguments. Canada’s escalating trade confrontation with the Trump administration has pushed questions of national sovereignty, tariffs and economic retaliation to the centre of federal politics. Canadian counter-tariffs that took effect September 8 covered roughly $20 billion worth of American goods, with duties ranging from 15 to 50 per cent. They were imposed after new U.S. tariffs hit about $20 billion worth of Canadian exports. Reuters reported that roughly 68 per cent of Canadian exports had gone to the United States so far this year, illustrating the economic stakes.

Poilievre has attempted to adapt his message accordingly. During his Penticton address, he told MPs their duty was “country before party” and said Conservatives wanted Canada to succeed against what he described as unfair U.S. tariffs. CBC nevertheless reported some internal disagreement over tactics. Poilievre had not committed to supporting the government’s retaliatory tariffs, saying he wanted to see an economic analysis, while Conservative MP Jamil Jivani publicly argued for a more forceful alternative to the Liberals. The dispute highlights a difficult opposition balancing act: Conservatives are trying to challenge the government domestically while avoiding the appearance of undermining Canada during a confrontation with Washington.

Recent By-Elections Have Given Nervous Conservatives More to Worry About

The August 31 federal by-elections supplied fresh numbers for MPs already debating the party’s direction. Liberals won all three contests. Most strikingly, they captured Chicoutimi—Le Fjord, a Quebec riding Conservatives had previously held. The Conservative candidate received 12.6 per cent of the vote there. In the 2025 general election, the Conservative share in the riding had been 34.1 per cent. In Beaches—East York, Conservative support fell from 23.5 per cent in 2025 to 15.5 per cent in the by-election. In North Vancouver—Capilano, it moved from 33.7 per cent to 29.2 per cent.

By-elections should be interpreted cautiously. Turnout is different, candidates change, local issues matter and voters can behave differently when the government itself is not at stake. They are not miniature federal elections. Still, three disappointing results arriving just weeks before a caucus retreat inevitably become part of an internal discussion about political strategy. CBC specifically reported that the results had deepened concern among some Conservatives. For MPs whose livelihoods ultimately depend on winning individual constituencies, local vote movements can feel more immediate than an abstract national debate over messaging.

National Polls and Conservative Voters Are Telling Different Stories

National opinion polling helps explain why dissatisfaction can grow inside caucus while Poilievre remains difficult to dislodge. An Angus Reid Institute poll conducted September 2 to 7 put the Liberals at 46 per cent among leaning and decided voters, compared with 32 per cent for the Conservatives — a 14-point gap in that particular snapshot. The vote-intention sample included 1,609 respondents, while the broader online study included 1,811 Canadian adults. Other September polling has also shown the Conservatives behind the Liberals, although exact margins vary by pollster, methodology and field dates. Such results describe opinion at a moment in time; they do not determine a future election result.

The same Angus Reid research contained a statistic that helps explain Poilievre’s durability. Among people who said they voted Conservative in 2025, 67 per cent were satisfied with his performance since the election, while 28 per cent said he had not met their expectations. Fifty-seven per cent of those past Conservative voters said they wanted him to lead the party into the next election. That is a more divided picture than the 87.4 per cent convention result, but it still shows substantial support among the people most connected to the party’s electoral base.

Why Conservatives May Change the Strategy Before They Change the Leader

CBC’s reporting suggests that some MPs who are unhappy with Poilievre nevertheless see removing him now as potentially more disruptive than keeping him. One concern raised by sources was the possibility of splitting a coalition that includes populist grassroots supporters alongside more traditional Conservative constituencies. A caucus-driven removal shortly after the leadership review could be portrayed by some members as MPs overriding the party base. Another source questioned the value of cycling through yet another leader before Conservatives have tested a revised political strategy. Those are arguments attributed to CBC’s Conservative sources, not evidence that caucus opinion is unanimous.

For the immediate future, the more visible changes are likely to be in message and emphasis rather than the name on the leader’s door. Lantsman has already spoken about changing the party’s playbook, while Poilievre’s Penticton speech emphasized affordability, employment, public safety, immigration, sovereignty and restoring tariff-free trade with the United States. The decisive indicator of a genuine leadership crisis would not be anonymous frustration by itself. It would be MPs organizing around the formal 20 per cent threshold required for a caucus review. As of CBC’s September 18 reporting, there was little indication that enough Conservatives wanted to take that step.

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